Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Europaea

YOUGONOSTALGIE, YOUGOSPHERE CULTURELLE ET MEMOIRE DE / POUR L’AVENIR

Alina IORGA — 2024-06-26

Yugonostalgia, cultural yugosphere and memory of / for the future. By counterbalancing the instrumentalization of the ethno-nationalist restorative nostalgia – which was not only the affective and imaginary fuel of the mnemonic wars fought, starting from the 80s, on the territory of “the country that no longer exists”, but also that of both the subsequent tragedies and cultural-political polarizations –, Yugonostalgia emerged in the painful 90s as a privileged form of post-Yugoslav mnemonic imagination. Against the background of the persistent mnemonic conflicts within the region, the multidirectional/ agonistic Yugonostalgic memory appears nowadays as a catalyst of the emotional and ethical commitment with the recent past, particularly able to inspire “visions of a better future”.

LEADERSHIP. DECISION-MAKING. LEGITIMACY. HOW DELIBERATIVE ARE THE LABOR UNIONS IN ROMANIA?

Diana Cristina COSMA — 2024-06-26

Deliberative democracy theory highlighted democratic deliberation as a modus operandi for facilitating group decision-making. In 2023, members of Romanian labor unions in several sectors took to the streets in strikes and protests, demanding higher revenues and better work conditions. Nevertheless, misunderstandings and internal ruptures shadowed their noble ends and fueled mistrust amongst unionists. This dynamic reminds rather of interest party politics as it employs vertical power relations, influenced by social and professional background segmentation. One question that reasonably arises in this context is how deliberative the decision-making process is within the unions in Romania. We specifically analyze elements of deliberative organizational leadership and the power relations within labor unions through a qualitative study in the form of interviews.

MARCIEN TOWA ET LA CRITIQUE SENGHORIENNE DE LA NEGRITUDE : UNE CONTRIBUTION A L’IDEOLOGIE DU PANAFRICANISME ?

Charles Wilfried Tikena BOUTORA — 2024-06-26

Marcien Towa and the Senghorian Critique of Negritude: A Contribution to the Ideology of Pan-Africanism? After the first generation of Pan-Africans formed at the beginning of the 20th century mainly by black Americans and Caribbeans, the second generation is formed with black Africans. These black Africans are inspired and influenced by the founding fathers of Pan-Africanism. Marcien Towa (1931-2014) is one of them. The philosopher is a key figure in the intellectual history of Africa who has contributed ardently, alongside other renowned intellectuals, to the writing of the modern history of Africa. His fight very legitimately was to wash the Africans of opprobrium (the stereotyped images of Africa and its inhabitants created by the colonizers). Through his criticism of Senghorian negritude, he makes a remarkable contribution to the reflection on the movement, a considerable contribution to the ideology of Pan-Africanism.

L’ASSEMBLEE PROVINCIALE ET L’INGOUVERNABILITE DE LA PROVINCE DU SUD-KIVU : DE LA DESILLUSION AU NOUVEAU DEPART

Alain de Georges SHUKURANI MUGENGERE — 2024-06-26

The Provincial Assembly and the Ungovernability of the South-Kivu Province: from the Disillusionment to New Departure. The 2018-2023 legislature started with an autosubliminal show in South Kivu, a province of Congo-Kinshasa. The spectacle led to an unfavourable environment to significant impact work production on the provincial governance. Members of provincial Assembly, mainly those who regularly fell into disputes, lost opportunity to emerge as political or institutional actors with a development-axed target. Thus, this paper aimed at analysing these behaviours and practices to find out their effects on the governance in province. This study is then a functioning conceptualization of the South-Kivu provincial Assembly in interaction with the provincial government management for the progress of the province. It is based on quality features. The south-kivucentrist pathology conceptualization is the main innovant point of this study. It has widely explained the real living situation in South-Kivu during the 2018-2023 legislature with its consequences on the socioeconomic sector of this part of the country. Our results have shown that no governance that promotes socioeconomical area can emerge from that pathological situation. The obtained results have given a new explanation to the power or governance phenomenon of South-Kivu. They include several dimensions in the point understanding by enlighting irrational digressions and deviant behaviour before some cure has been suggested.

DE LA REPUBLIQUE DEMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO VOULUE INDEPENDANTE A LA REPUBLIQUE DEMOCRATIQUE DU CONGO QUI COMMEMORE SES FETES D’INDEPENDANCE

Joseph Apolo MSAMBYA — 2024-06-26

From the Democratic Republic of Congo Seeking Independence to the Democratic Republic of Congo which Commemorates Its Independence Celebrations. On June 30, 1960, the independence of the Belgian Congo, once personal possession for 23 years of the Belgian King Leopold II, was proclaimed as the “Republic of the Congo”. Emery-Patrice Lumumba (1925-1961) played a capital role in this emancipation which resulted in the consecration of Joseph Kasavubu as first President of the Republic of Congo and himself, Emery Patrice Lumumba, as Prime Minister. Congo has proclaimed its independence, but the new country remains plagued by violence and infighting. Belgian troops and peacekeepers from the United Nations intervene in the territory as a standoff begins between Kasavubu and Lumumba. On September 14, 1960, Colonel Joseph Désiré Mobutu led a first coup d’état which was followed by the arrest and assassination of Lumumba. The following years would be punctuated by rebellions and fighting interspersed with ceasefires in protest against the dictatorship established by the Mobutu regime after its second coup d’état, five years later, during a new political crisis. After thirty-two years of unchallenged reign, Mobutu was ousted from power by Mzee Laurent Désiré Kabila in May 1997 and since then, it has been difficult to speak of the real independence of the country, which became the Democratic Republic of Congo.

LETTING GO OF THE HUMANITARIAN PRINCIPLES IN COMPLEX EMERGENCIES? A CASE STUDY OF CIVIL-MILITARY COOPERATION IN THE EASTERN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO

Nickson Bondo MUSEKA — 2024-06-26

Civil-military cooperation (CIMIC) has officially emerged as a coordinated strategy between the United Nations peacekeeping missions and humanitarian non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to enable access to people in need of assistance in complex emergencies. However, this integrated approach raises serious concerns regarding the respect of traditional principles of humanitarian action: humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence. While some humanitarian NGOs are opposed to any form of collaboration with the military, others believe this cooperation is very important to enable access and provide aid to civilians in needs. Using the case study of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article analyses the impact of the CIMIC integrated approach between the United Nations Peacekeeping and Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) and humanitarian NGOs on the afore-mentioned principles of humanitarian action. It argues that most humanitarian NGOs that are operating in the Eastern DRC are opposed to the CIMIC’s integrated approach as it pushes them to violate the principles of neutrality, independence, and impartiality. Second, CIMIC increases the danger of humanitarian workers to be targeted by illegal armed groups. Third, despite their integrated approach, both MONUSCO and humanitarian actors have not been able to pacify the Eastern DRC, end the humanitarian needs of the population, or improve their effectiveness.

ENIGMA OF SUB-REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN AFRICA: THE CASE OF THE ECONOMIC AND MONETARY COMMUNITY OF CENTRAL AFRICA (CEMAC), 1994-2020

George Kum FUH — 2024-06-26

This chapter examines the enigma of Sub-regional economic integration in the Communauté Economique et Monétaire de l’Afrique Central (CEMAC) zone. The sub-regional integration idea was born out of the need for a united Africa during the immediate independence period, to be achieved through a gradual, but steady process. Although instituted in 1994, CEMAC was a re-make of the Economic and Customs Union of Central Africa (UDEAC) created in 1964. CEMAC was established, to promote sub-regional integration among central African states that shared a common legal tender, the CFA franc, through the promotion of trade, a genuine common market and greater solidarity. Albeit recording some inroads, CEMAC lagged behind its objectives, due to tardiness and overall poor implementation of policies, limited technical capacity, divergent attitudes of member states towards integration and absence of sanctions against states that disrespect community norms. The chapter sustains that such diverse political, economic, and socio-cultural impediments could only be halted through a joint approach, for remedial renewal by all stakeholders for a truly integrated economic CEMAC sub-region. This investigation shall be based on secondary and primary data, interpreted qualitatively and presented thematically.

THE EU AND ROMANIA. A PARTNERSHIP TO PROMOTE CULTURE & SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

Gianina JOLDESCU-STAN — 2024-06-26

In the dynamic landscape of sustainable development, culture and cultural heritage are emerging concepts, taking more and more space in the academic literature. In the process of maintaining the balance between past, present and future, it is unrefutably important to understand the connection between cultural protection and promotion and actions towards sustainable development and environmental protection. This article aims to explore the complexities culture orientated actions, while having in consideration the sensitive issues of the permeability of cultural heritage over time. We discuss the relationship between cultural heritage and sustainable development, the actions that the EU takes to ensure cultural sustainability and the partnership between Romania and the EU could improve to maximize the impact on culture and sustainable development.

THE EU AND THE ABRAHAM ACCORDS: FROM SCEPTICISM TO ENGAGEMENT

Boaz BISMUTH — 2024-06-26

The Abraham accords signed in Washington in September 2020, a series of joint normalization statements between Israel the UAE and Bahrain followed by Morocco in December 2020, were a game changer in the Middle East. Those Accords provide the pathway to the end of the Arab Israeli conflict and a future of peace, tolerance and opportunity in the Middle East and around the world. Those accords proved that there is a new way for negotiations in the Middle East. One could have been surprised that the EU was not engaged in the Accords when signed. The fact that Europeans believe in the two-state solution as the only solution and the fact that the American President Donald Trump was behind the Accords made Europe skeptical to the Accords. But reality made the difference: The war in Ukraine brought its challenges and Iran’s interference in the conflict (supplying drones to Russian’s army) provoked a real concern in Europe. The Iranian nuclear program seemed again a threat to the west and not only to Israel and Gulf countries. conflict management played a role. This paper depicts how Europe went from skepticism to engagement concerning the Abraham Accords. Geo-political interests were clear: geopolitical realignment, a great potential for Africa and energy and food supply potential in connection to those Accords. Furthermore, cooperation as well as development in foreign affairs played a role in Europeans’ choice.

POPULIST RESSENTIMENT IN A MEDIATED CONTEXT

Claudiu MARTIN — 2024-06-26

The aim of this article is to review the role that emotions play in populism, specifically ressentiment, and how it is strategically used on social media platforms to create polarization. Firstly, I define the two of the main characteristics that populism has had over time: the agonistic struggle between a people and an elite, and charismatic leadership. Secondly, I examine the significance of resentment as a political emotion and how it operates in extreme right-wing populism. Thirdly, I review how resentment has been applied in the context of social media and how these platforms offer the most effective means to generate social mobilization based on emotions through storytelling, which can anticipate the reactions of the public or users.

THE STAR AND THE QUEEN. DISSONANT HERITAGE AND THE CULTURE OF DISAPPEARANCE IN HONG KONG

Carmen Ștefania DUȚĂ — 2024-06-26

Caught between its Chinese and British colonial history, Hong Kong’s path to self-actualization is unsure without preserving its tangible and intangible heritage. This paper examines the region’s several layers of heritage through the movement to preserve the Star and the Queen piers in 2007, using two theoretical frameworks, Abbas’ culture of disappearance and Tunbridge’s dissonant heritage. Despite the piers’ demolition, their role is vital in understanding conflicting histories and decolonizing the region’s identity.

MIDDLE POWERS AS MEDIATORS: THE ROLE OF TÜRKIYE AND BRAZIL IN THE JCPOA, THE UKRAINIAN GRAIN DEAL, AND FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS IN THE WAR IN UKRAINE

AnaMaria Florina CALOIANU — 2024-06-26

Characterized by their ability to impact the world order without having superpower status, middle powers contribute significantly to maintaining global stability and fostering notable advancements. The notion of middle powers is longstanding in international relations, with its roots traceable in the writings of the Italian 16th century thinker Giovanni Botero. The literature concerning middle powers is full of debates and considerations about their definitions, characteristics, and objectives. Türkiye and Brazil have been chosen as primary subjects of this study to exemplify the growing role of middle powers as mediators due to their involvement in international negotiations.

RUSSIA’S OTHER WAR: PATRIARCHAL CULTURE AND DOMESTIC VIOLENCE. THE #ЯНЕБОЮСЬСКАЗАТЬ (#IAMNOTAFRAIDTOSPEAK) JULY 2016 CAMPAIGN ON VKONTAKTE

Ioana-Mădălina MIRON — 2024-06-26

This article is dedicated to a controversial topic for Russian society, namely the campaign #ЯнеБоюсьСказать (#IamNotAfraidToSpeak) that took place in VKontakte’s Russian speaking community in July 2016. First the article is based on a theoretical framework that draws attention to the concept of contentious politics and feminist movement. Second, I analysed the messages associated with #IamNotAfraidToSpeak, and argue that the campaign raised the visibility of the problem of domestic violence and patriarchal culture in the post-Soviet Russia, and this helped increase the significance of women’s linguistic agency and made #IamNotAfraidToSpeak the first large-scale feminist movement in Russia. Moreover, in addition to the theoretical background, the paper focuses on a case study: The #ЯНеБоюсьСказать (#IAmNotAfraidToSpeak) campaign of July 2016 on VKontakte.

PIERRE GUENANCIA, « L’HOMME SANS MOI, ESSAI SUR L’IDENTITE », PARIS, PUF, 2023

Jérôme ROUDIER — 2024-06-26

Pierre Guenancia poursuit par cet ouvrage une réflexion menée de longue date. En effet, outre ses ouvrages sur l’histoire des idées et sur la philosophie cartésienne, dont il est un des plus grands exégètes, l’auteur produit ici une synthèse entre deux mouvements principaux de sa pensée, menés depuis le début de sa carrière. En effet, L’homme sans moi succède à la fois au célèbre Descartes et l’ordre politique. Critique cartésienne de l’ordre politique publié aux PUF en 1983, réédité chez Gallimard en 2012 et Le Regard de la pensée. Philosophie de la représentation, publié aux PUF en 2009.

SERGIU MIȘCOIU, PIERRE EMMANUEL GUIGO (EDS.), “PRESIDENTS, PRIME MINISTERS AND MAJORITIES IN THE FRENCH FIFTH REPUBLIC”, CHAM: PALGRAVE MACMILLAN, 2024, 219 P.

Mihai GHIȚULESCU — 2024-06-26

One of the first Western officials and scholars to offer advice to the new leaders in Bucharest in 1990 was Robert Badinter, President of the French Constitutional Council and former Minister of Justice. According to Ion Iliescu and others, his advice was decisive in shaping the institutional arrangements of the “Little Constitution” and, later, of the 1991 Constitution. We can assume that things would have been similar even without the direct intervention of the well-known jurist, given that France was traditionally perceived as a model for Romania. Shortly after Badinter, the more famous Maurice Duverger also visited Romania. We do not know what influence he had – we can assume it was limited – but we pay him a tribute for spreading the attractive but ambiguous concept of “semi-presidentialism”, associating it mainly with the French political system after 1958/1962 (The Fifth Republic). As in other cases (e.g., his “law” on the relation between electoral systems and party systems), Duverger threw out a brilliant but imprecise idea, irritating many academics around the world and generating a large amount of political science literature.